Mi Vida y "Lincoln’s Evolving Racial Views"- By Edna Medford, Ph.D.
"Lincoln’s Evolving Racial Views"-
By Edna Medford, Ph.D.
Presented at the
Rutherford B. Hayes Presidential Library, February 14, 2010
Three days before he met his destiny, Abraham
Lincoln stepped through a door where no president had gone before—he openly
supported the granting of political rights to African Americans. In this his
last public address, the president commented on the Reconstruction of Louisiana
and its impact on the newly emancipated and other persons of color. Despite
demands from certain “Radical” Republicans in Congress and appeals from black
elites in the state, in spite of a gentle and clandestine suggestion from the
president himself, Louisiana had rejected the idea of African American
inclusion in the body politic. Lincoln took the opportunity provided by those
assembled in celebration of Lee’s surrender, to convey his belief that the
right to vote be “now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve
our cause as soldiers.” Although disappointed by the state’s decision to deny
suffrage, he remained hopeful that black men would soon be allowed to join
their white counterparts in the exercise of one of the most sacred duties and
rights of citizenship. Skulking in the crowd that night was John Wilkes Booth,
who upon hearing Lincoln offer support for black voting rights supposedly
exclaimed: “That means nigger citizenship. No, by God! I’ll put him through.
That is the last speech he will ever make.”
Lincoln’s comments that night represented an
extraordinary departure from the position he had held just seven years earlier
in Charleston, Illinois when he had sought to deflect accusations by Senate
incumbent and political rival Stephen A. Douglas that he was a supporter of
black equality. Knowing that he had to counter Douglas’s charge with
unmistakable clarity, the future president joined Douglas in appealing to the
racial prejudices of the audience. “I am not, nor ever have been in favor of
bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and
black races,” he assured them.
…I am not nor ever have been in favor of
making voters or jurors of
negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold
office…there is a physical
difference between the white and black races
which I believe will for
ever forbid the two races living together on
terms of social and
political equality…
The journey from the Charleston debate to the
qualified support Lincoln offered on the eve of his assassination had required
the president to overcome views dating from childhood, prejudices that had been
shaped less by personal experiences than by long-held and rarely disputed
American thought. In no region of the nation did white men in general consider
black men worthy of the tiniest measure of citizenship and justice—certainly
not in the South, where enslavement and oppression were nearly universally
accepted (at least by white men) as the normal condition for black men and
women; certainly not in the North and Midwest, where fears of economic
competition made whites simultaneously anti-slavery and anti-black. As Chief
Justice Roger Taney declared in the infamous Supreme Court decision Scott v.
Sandford, African Americans “had no rights which white men were bound to
respect.” But expediency and an appreciation for black wartime service to the
Union cause (especially after the issuing of the Emancipation Proclamation), compelled
Lincoln to alter his attitudes regarding race. While he was by no means an
egalitarian at the time of his death, his thinking had progressed to the point
that he could acknowledge the rights and aspirations of all Americans to enjoy
equally in the nation’s promise.
A son of the nineteenth-century South and
Midwest, Lincoln shared the idea of white superiority that his contemporaries
embraced. It would have been surprising had he felt otherwise. If we had
evidence only from Charleston, we might be able to dismiss his words as good
politics. But given his propensity for recounting racially insensitive jokes
and his fondness for pejorative language, one can only conclude that he was
thoroughly a man of his times in the matter of racial views. What distinguished
him from his neighbors, however, was his fervent belief in the rights of all
people to the products of their labor and their natural right to freedom.
Lincoln spent his childhood primarily in
Indiana and his adulthood in Illinois, where ostensibly all people were free.
But loopholes in the anti-slavery laws made it possible for residents to
circumvent such legislation. It was not unusual for enslaved laborers to be
domiciled in the state for the better part of a year and removed just in time
to comply with the law that allowed temporary residence. It was just such a
case with which Lincoln became involved in 1847 when slave owner Robert Matson
attempted to retrieve a family of fugitives who claimed that he had kept them
in the state continuously for two years. Despite his aversion to slavery,
Lincoln represented the slave owner, a decision he apparently found perfectly
acceptable since enslaved people were property, and every free man had a
constitutional right to claim what was his.
Even those African Americans fortunate enough
to be legally free did not enjoy equal or fair treatment. As members of a
perceived inferior race, they were subject to “black codes” which required them
to present certificates of freedom to local authorities, who then registered
them and recorded their physical description. Failure to produce these freedom
papers exposed individuals to arrest as suspected runaways. If after six weeks
no owner came forward to claim his property, the alleged fugitive could be
hired out. If no owner appeared within one year, the man or woman would be
issued a certificate of freedom and sent on his way. Those persons whose status
was not in question were nevertheless required to post a bond in the amount of
one thousand dollars—an enormous sum for anyone, but especially for free
blacks—as insurance against becoming indigent and hence a burden to the
community.
Moreover, free people of color could not
testify in court against whites, or serve on juries, or vote in political
elections. Illinoisans acquiesced in these disabilities placed on their fellow
residents. And while Lincoln had established himself as an anti-slavery man
early in his career, he did not offer any robust objection to the laws that
kept free black men and women perpetually marginalized. In fact, when H. Ford
Douglas, a young black firebrand attempted to secure Lincoln’s signature on a
petition in support of the right of black men tot testify against white men in
court, the future “great emancipator” allegedly declined.
Even more egregious, perhaps, was the effort
to prevent blacks from entering the state altogether. In 1853, Illinois imposed
a fine on those who immigrated with the intention to reside permanently in the
state. Those who broke the law were fined fifty dollars; if unable to pay (and
most could not), they risked having their labor auctioned off to the highest
bidder. I have found no evidence that Lincoln openly objected to this, either.
It was not that Lincoln failed to comprehend
the burden that race placed on black men and women. While few African Americans
resided in Springfield, he was hardly unacquainted with people of color. A
black woman, Mariah Vance, worked in the Lincoln home, where she laundered the
family’s clothes and sometimes helped to prepare meals. But it is unlikely that
he had much if any direct contact with the domestic. His interaction with the
successful Springfield barber, William Fleurville, was both professional and
cordial. He represented the Haitian émigré in at least three land transactions,
and there is some indication that a friendship developed between the two men.
But Billy, as he was known, was not the product of American slavery, and it may
have been easier for Lincoln (and other white Americans) to accept him and
acknowledge his capacity for growth more readily than they could native blacks.
Lincoln would learn a great deal more about
African Americans in the four tumultuous years of his presidency. When he
entered the White House in March 1861, he embraced one aim—to restore the
seceded states to their proper place in the Union. Contrary to southern fears,
he did not take office expecting or prepared to emancipate enslaved people. In
fact, in the opening months of the war, our 16th president was willing to view
America’s black population as expendable. In an attempted appeasement of the
Confederacy, and out of fear that he might lose the Border States to their
rebellious sisters, he clandestinely suggested that runaways be returned to
their owners. Much to the exasperation of abolitionists, he rescinded the
emancipation attempts of a general in the field. He supported Ward Hill Lamon,
a friend who had been appointed Marshal of the District of Columbia against
charges that he was illegally detaining free blacks and fugitives from slavery
in the city jail. And he brought great frustration to African Americans when he
(and Congress) denied black men the opportunity to serve the Union cause. It
took a while for Lincoln, the anti-slavery man who believed in black
inferiority to become Lincoln the abolitionist president who could openly
advocate extending certain rights of citizenship to black people.
Despite his rather conservative approach to
securing the Union early in the war, Lincoln recognized the role that slavery
played in dividing the nation. Before the first year of the war had passed, he
sought to coax the Border States into voluntarily dismantling the institution
in their jurisdictions. Even with the incentive of compensation, none of them
heeded his warning that the “friction of war” would eventually destroy slavery.
In the meantime, the “Negro Problem” was
becoming acute, as the First Confiscation Act (passed by Congress in the late
summer of 1861) drew increasing numbers of blacks into the Union and created a
crisis in how to provide for them. That the situation occupied his attention is
evident in Lincoln’s first annual address to Congress in December 1861. It is
here that the new president introduced the idea of voluntary deportation for
enslaved people who were released from obligation to serve their owners by the
provisions of the Act. Lincoln recommended that Congress make provisions for
the colonization of this group of people and others that the states themselves
might consider releasing from slavery. For good measure, he thought “it might
be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the United
States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in such
colonization.”
Of course, the idea of colonizing African
Americans was nothing new to Lincoln. His early views on the subject were
influenced by Henry Clay, Lincoln’s “beau ideal of a statesman” as he referred
to him. Clay, a slaveholder, had argued that colonization would right the
original sin of slavery. “There is a moral fitness in the idea of returning to
Africa her children, whose ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless
hand of fraud and violence,” he had declared. “Transplanted in a foreign land,
they will carry back to their native soil the rich fruits of religion,
civilization, law and liberty.” Clay saw the hand of God at work in
colonization. “May it not be one of the great designs of the Ruler of the
universe, (whose ways are often inscrutable by short-sighted mortals,) thus to
transform an original crime, into a signal blessing to that most unfortunate
portion of the globe?” he asked.
Lincoln agreed. In his eulogy of Clay in July
1852, he expressed the hope that the nation would ultimately eradicate slavery;
and if “at the same time, in restoring a captive people to their long-lost father-land,
with bright prospects for the future; and this too, so gradually, that neither
races nor individuals shall have suffered by the change, it will indeed be a
glorious consummation.” Note here while there is a humanitarian component to
Lincoln’s support of colonization, there is also concern that the slave owner
not be disadvantaged by the liberation of his property. It is a theme that
reemerges throughout his presidency.
As his first annual address to Congress
reveals, Lincoln’s interest in colonization was coupled with support for
diplomatic recognition of the black republics of Haiti and Liberia. Since the
success of the revolution in 1804, Haiti had sought recognition among the
nations of the world. England had granted it in 1825 with the appointment of a
Counsel-General. Other nations followed suit. But the United States remained
steadfast in its objection to establishing diplomatic relations. Although
certain commercial interests were in favor of recognition, the southern states,
in particular, objected to even attending hemispheric meetings where Haitian
recognition was the topic of discussion. Despite petitions and memorials
presented to Congress in regard to Haiti, the United States failed to
officially acknowledge her. By 1860, America stood virtually alone among the
major nations of the world in its refusal to accept Haitian independence and
sovereignty.
A similar rejection befell Liberia.
Established as a colony in 1819, Liberia was founded as a home for free and
freed people of color. The American Colonization Society, itself established
two years earlier, was responsible for carrying out resettlement. The ACS
membership was an odd mixture; on the one hand were northern abolitionists who
believed that southern slaveholders would more readily consider emancipation if
they could be assured that they would not be burdened by the presence of their
former bondmen and women. On the other hand were pro-slavery forces who
believed that slavery would be strengthened if free blacks were not present as
a constant reminder that freedom was possible. African Americans, unwilling to
give up the land of their birth (despite the disabilities under which they
lived and labored) and recognizing the duplicitous character of the ACS,
declined to assent to resettlement in any significant numbers.
In 1847, the Liberian people voted to
establish an independent government. Modeled after the U.S. Constitution, the
new nation promptly sought diplomatic recognition from the major nations of the
world. Again, England and other powers responded rather quickly, but despite
efforts to win American acceptance, even with the support of Henry Clay,
Liberia was unsuccessful.
U.S. opposition to recognition of both black
republics stemmed in large measure from objections on the part of the southern
Congressional delegations. Societies wedded to slavery were unwilling to
recognize the legitimacy of nations governed by black men, and in the case of
Haiti, one born of a violent slave revolt.
The Civil War afforded an opportunity
heretofore unavailable to an American government. After the spring of 1861, 11
of the southern states had left the Union. And while strong southern sympathy
remained in Congress, the ability to halt legislation offensive to the
slave-holding states was greatly diminished. Lincoln seized upon this opening
to do what would have been political suicide just months before. Haitian
President Fabre Geffrard had made an appeal to Lincoln in May of 1861 to grant
diplomatic recognition to his country. As usual, the U.S. president approached
the appeal cautiously; he elected not to respond to Haiti directly, but instead
threw the matter into the lap of Congress. Embedded in discussion of domestic
and foreign matters in his first annual address, Lincoln gave his tacit
approval of a change in American policy. “If any good reason exists why we
should persevere longer in withholding our recognition of the independence and
sovereignty of Haiti and Liberia,” he remarked, “I am unable to discern it.”
But ever aware of public opinion and “unwilling…to inaugurate a novel policy”
without Congress’ consent, he suggested that the legislative body consider an
appropriation for establishing and maintaining a Chargé d’Affaires in both
countries.
Doubtless understanding the broader
implications of what Lincoln was proposing, Massachusetts Senator Charles
Sumner quickly introduced a bill that would give the president the
authorization he sought. Despite the absence of most of the slave-holding
states, objections were vociferous and highlighted the fact that anti-black
sentiment was hardly the exclusive domain of a single region of the country.
Representing the “southern” view was Senator Garrett Davis of Kentucky. Davis
insisted that he did not object to the recognition of Haiti and Liberia as
independent nations. Nor did he oppose the establishment of commercial
relations. Rather, his objection was to the “sending of ambassadors of any class
from our Government to theirs.” Such action, he argued, would “establish
diplomatically, terms of mutual and equal reciprocity between the two countries
and us.” Davis was repulsed by the idea that diplomats from the two black
nations would have to be received by the president and other government
officials “upon the same terms of equality with similar representatives from
other Powers.” In the most demeaning language, Davis explained what might
happen if black diplomats were extended equal rights. Whatever would America do
if a “full blooded negro” was sent as representative? Worse still, what if he
had a family? Would his wife and daughters accompany him to official social
events? Would official Washington be able to tolerate the presence of
“negresses” in such gatherings? Moreover, Davis accused the Lincoln
administration of attempting to “assail the institution of slavery in the slave
States everywhere.” Representative S.S. Cox of Ohio displayed equal candor in
outlining his objections. “The object sought by the gentleman from
Massachusetts,” he argued, “is not so much to increase the commercial relations
of the United States with the countries named as to give a sort of dignity and
equality to these republics, because they are black republics. It is, therefore,
literally a Black Republican measure.” When pressed for an even more candid
explanation of his objections, Cox responded:
Objections? Gracious heavens!...Objection to
receiving a black man
on an equality with the white men of this
country? I have been
taught in the history of this country that
these Commonwealths and this
Union were made for white men; that this
Government is a Government of white men; that the men who made it never
intended, by anything they did, to place the black race upon an equality with
the white. It may be, [that]the gentlemen on the other side intend to carry out
their schemes of
emancipation to that extent that they will
raise the blacks to an equality in
every respect with the white men of this
country. I suppose they want to
approach that object by having a colored
representative in the capital at
Washington. Is not that your object? I charge
that it is. Do you not want
to begin by giving national equality to the
black republics? After having
obtained the equality of black nations with
white nations, do you not
propose to carry the equality a little
farther, and so make individual,
political, and social equality?
Despite such objections, primarily from the
Democratic Party, the bill passed Congress, and Lincoln promptly signed it into
law. Shortly thereafter, James Redpath, a white emigrationist who had
infuriated many black leaders by insinuating himself into Haitian and African
American affairs, indicated to Lincoln that Haitian President Geffrard was
willing to assign a white minister to the U.S., if Lincoln wished him to do so.
Seemingly confirming the opposition’s worst fears that the administration was
attempting to promote equality of the races, Lincoln alleged responded: “Well
you can tell Mr. Geffrard that I shan’t tear my shirt if he does send a negro
here.” Taking him at his word, Geffrard appointed a man of color, but one who
proved to be less offensive to American sensibilities. A gentile socialite
described him as of bright copper complexion with fine features and “hair like
that of an Indian.” His assistant, on the other hand, gave her pause, as he was
“a full-blooded negro” with kinky hair.
African Americans were elated by the official
acknowledgement of Haitian and Liberian independence. Echoing the thinking of recognition
opponents (but certainly from a more positive perspective) Frederick Douglass
predicted that the administrations actions would have “very important social
results” as well as significant commercial benefit. A contributor to the black
newspaper, The Christian Recorder, offered that recognition was “calculated to
elevate us in some degree. We see with all the civil commotion, bloodshed and
devastation, the executive Department of this nation has done more for us than
has been done heretofore.”
Many were not so pleased with the Lincoln
administration when it became apparent that the enthusiastic support for
diplomatic recognition came along with increased efforts on behalf of
colonization. In August, the president had invited a delegation of black men to
the White House for the purpose of seeking their assistance in urging their
people to leave the country of their birth. After largely blaming African
Americans for the war (at least, this is how it was seen by the African
American leadership), Lincoln declared:
You and we are different races…We have between
us a broader
difference than exists between almost any
other races…this physical
difference is a great disadvantage to us both,
as I think, your race
suffer very greatly…by living among us, while
ours suffer from your
presence…”
Alluding to slavery, Lincoln suggested that
African Americans had endured a great injustice, but even when freed,
discrimination and abuse would remain. Nowhere on the continent could a black
man find equal treatment. ‘Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is
still upon you,” he reminded them.
Lincoln’s meeting with the Committee of Five
preceded by six weeks the extraordinary announcement that the president was
prepared to emancipate all enslaved laborers under the control of the
Confederate states. It is likely, as some have suggested, that the August
meeting was arranged to assure nervous northerners visualizing hordes of black
folk descending on the North that they had nothing to fear from emancipation
because the black population could be persuaded to leave the country. But
Lincoln’s actions subsequently confirmed his commitment to voluntary removal.
In the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation issued on September 22, he
suggested that Congress appropriate funds to pay for colonization programs. And
in his second annual message to Congress in December, he reiterated his
support. Curiously enough, the final proclamation that was issued on January 1,
1863, had dropped the idea altogether. By this time, plans to resettle African
Americans on allegedly coal-rich lands in Panama had collapsed, as had
negotiations for other Latin American sites. Plans for a colony off the coast
of Haiti were still underway, and more than 400 colonists were transported to
the site in April, 1863. White men more interested in personal gain than
assistance to black people, had convinced the administration that they could
create a self-sufficient colony off the Haitian coast. Although substantial
sums of money were given to them, they failed to supply adequate provisions for
those under their care. As a consequence, eighty-five of the colonists died
from disease and exposure before Lincoln could send a ship to retrieve them.
Likely, by the time he issued the final
Emancipation Proclamation, Lincoln already knew that colonization on any grand
scale would not work. There had been no groundswell of support from the African
American community, and by the end of 1862, the president was already
discovering potential uses for the black population, at least of its men. From
the very beginning of the war, believing that the conflict afforded them a
chance to strike a blow for freedom and equality, black men had sought an
avenue by which they might get into the fight. When their services were
rebuffed by President and Congress, they kept faith and drilled in preparation
for combat. Tens of thousands satisfied their desire to participate by
volunteering to perform non-combat military service. Finally, the Emancipation
Proclamation facilitated their entry into the war as soldiers. Although the
majority was plucked from the ranks of former slaves, free blacks served as
well, believing as they did that support of the Union cause would not only free
enslaved people, but would elevate all African Americans.
More than 186,000 men served valiantly,
despite the discrimination and economic hardship that it placed on their
families. Corporal James H. Gooding was one of those who wrote to Lincoln about
their situation. “The patient, trusting descendants of Afric’s clime have dyed
the ground with blood, in defense of the Union and Democracy,” he reminded the
president. “Obedient and patient and solid as a wall are they. All we lack is a
paler hue and a better acquaintance with the alphabet. ..we have done a
soldier’s duty. Why can’t we have a soldier’s pay?
Lincoln was slow to answer Gooding’s question.
And when Frederick Douglass visited the White House in August 1863, he too
asked the president to end the practices that disadvantaged black soldiers.
Notable among them were pay inequities. African Americans, whether officers or
enlisted men, were paid ten dollars a month, with a deduction of three dollars
for clothing; white enlisted men received thirteen dollars, and their officers
even more. Lincoln reminded Douglass that many Americans had not yet accepted
the idea of black men in uniform, even to preserve the Union. He counseled
patience and pledged that something would be done to redress black grievances
as soon as possible. In June 1864, Congress passed legislation that began to
correct this injustice, by making equal pay available to prewar free black men,
but not until a month before the war ended, was pay equalized for all black
soldiers. Unfortunately, justice came too late for Corporal Gooding, who died
after being captured and imprisoned at the notorious Confederate camp at
Andersonville.
Contrary to the cautious movement he exhibited
in most things involving African Americans, Lincoln exhibited alacrity in
dealing with the Confederate practice of treating captured African American
soldiers as fugitives or slaves in insurrection. As such, black soldiers were
subject to execution or sale, be they free born or runaways. After the
unsuccessful assault on Fort Wagner, in which a significant number of African
American soldiers were captured, the Union feared that the Confederates would
make good on their threats. As a deterrent, Lincoln ordered that a Confederate
soldier would be put to death for every Union soldier killed in violation of
the laws of war. For every Union soldier sold into slavery, a Confederate
prisoner would be put at hard labor.
When African Americans and their supporters
first introduced the idea of black fighting men, Lincoln expressed doubt that a
people accustomed to oppression would be able to stare down white men on the
battlefield. He considered it folly to place weapons in the hands of African
Americans, believing that within a few weeks, Union arms would be in the hands
of the enemy. Their courage under fire forced Lincoln to reassess his earlier
misjudgment of them. In a letter sent to his friend James C. Conkling, Lincoln predicted
that when peace returned to the country “there will be some black men who can
remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and
well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation;
while, I fear, there will be some white ones, unable to forget that, with
malignant heart, and deceitful speech, they have strove to hinder it.”
Subtle changes were occurring in the attitude
toward the black civilian population as well. Small but significant signs
encouraged African Americans in the belief that Lincoln was beginning to accept
them as something other than America’s unwanted stepchildren. Well-publicized
meetings with the black abolitionist and orator Frederick Douglass, swelled the
pride of a people who heretofore had entered the White House generally in their
capacity as domestic servants. Douglass’ report that the president had treated
him with respect and manliness convinced African Americans that they just might
be able to live in peace and prosperity in postwar America. Douglass’ reception
by Lincoln doubtless gave encouragement to a group of black Washingtonians who
sought the use of the White House grounds for a Fourth of July picnic and
fund-raiser in 1864. The St. Matthew’s Colored Sunday School initially sought
permission from Benjamin B. French, Commissioner of Public Buildings, who
agreed to the request but insisted on the concurrence of the president. A
committee of three was assembled and dispatched to the White House, where they
were received by Lincoln and their request approved.
Still, advocating political rights required a
giant leap from receiving black leaders at the White House or granting
permission to use the White House grounds for a picnic. What, then, was
Lincoln’s motivation for such an uncharacteristic move? There were likely
several interrelated factors spurring him on. As the Conkling letter and the
last public address confirm, Lincoln believed that the nation owed a debt of
gratitude to the black men who fought to preserve the Union. Doubtless, he
believed as well that they would be invaluable allies in the future in the
effort to protect “the jewel of liberty”, as he put it. It is reasonable to
assume as well, as some have suggested, that in granting African Americans
voting rights, the president was anxious to secure the South for the Republican
Party, and he recognized that black voters could help in that regard. An
argument can also be made for the influence of black elites such as Frederick
Douglass or the well-educated, rather wealthy men of color of Louisiana, who
petitioned Lincoln for assistance in securing their rights. Perhaps such men
enabled him to appreciate the capacity of certain groups of black men for
citizenship. And finally, perhaps, once it became clear that black people were
destined to stay in America, he saw the need to assist them in becoming
productive, full-fledged members of the society.
Historians are fond of saying that Lincoln “grew” in the presidency. Perhaps
so. If the war taught him anything, it taught him the value of all Americans,
even those degraded by slavery and whose lives had been circumscribed by
discrimination. He had recognized their right to benefit from their own labor
early on. Perhaps the war taught him that the ability of a man (or woman) to
eat the bread he earned was only part of what made America strong. Perhaps he
was beginning to understand that freedom without the protections afforded by a
political voice made the idea of American liberty a hollow promise. It is
unwise to speculate about how far and how fast he might have been willing to
travel along this road of racial equality had he lived, but we can be assured
that the men and women who stood to be the beneficiaries of that equality would
have been a constant reminder to him of his and the nation’s obligations to
them.
https://www.rbhayes.org/hayes/lincoln-s-evolving-racial-views/’
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zu2mFQjBUNo
"Hola,
soy RC Patterson. Como profesor adjunto de filosofía en Harris Stowe State
University, he estado explorando las intersecciones entre la filosofía clásica
y la participación de las mujeres en STEM. Mi enfoque de investigación se
centra en la obra de filósofos como Platón, Aristóteles, Kant, Hobbes, Spinoza
y John Stuart Mill. Para mi doctorado, he estado investigando cómo los
objetivos comunales ayudan a las mujeres a mantenerse en STEM en la
universidad. Además de mi trabajo académico, también tengo experiencia como
asistente administrativo. Estoy muy entusiasmado/a con la investigación en este
campo y cómo podemos fomentar la inclusión y la diversidad en STEM.
Profesor
Adjunto
1. Impartir clases: Desarrollar y enseñar cursos de
filosofía en niveles de pregrado o posgrado, facilitando discusiones en el aula
y fomentando el pensamiento crítico entre los estudiantes.
2. Preparación de materiales: Crear planes de lecciones,
actividades y evaluaciones, así como ofrecer tutoría y apoyo académico a los
estudiantes para garantizar su progreso y rendimiento.
3. Colaboración y actualización: Mantenerse actualizado en el campo
de la filosofía mediante la investigación y la participación en conferencias,
colaborar con otros profesores en el desarrollo de programas de estudio y
contribuir a la administración y gestión académica del departamento.
Asistente
Administrativa
1. Gestión de agenda: Coordinar y mantener la agenda del gerente o
equipo, programando reuniones, citas y eventos, además de responder a llamadas
telefónicas, correos electrónicos y correspondencia.
2. Soporte administrativo: Preparar documentos, informes y
presentaciones, mantener registros actualizados, gestionar la correspondencia y
realizar tareas de contabilidad básica, como la elaboración de facturas y la
gestión de gastos.
3. Logística y organización: Coordinar viajes de negocios, gestionar
la logística de reuniones y eventos, así como realizar tareas administrativas
generales, como archivar documentos, ordenar suministros de oficina y mantener
el área de trabajo ordenada.
Estudiante
doctoral desarrolla:
1. Investigación avanzada: Los estudiantes doctorales adquieren
habilidades avanzadas en investigación, incluyendo la capacidad de formular
preguntas de investigación pertinentes, diseñar y ejecutar estudios empíricos o
teóricos, y analizar datos de manera crítica para obtener conclusiones
significativas.
2. Comunicación efectiva: Desarrollan la capacidad de comunicar sus
ideas de manera clara y persuasiva a través de la escritura académica y
presentaciones orales. Esto incluye la redacción de tesis, artículos de
investigación y la presentación de sus hallazgos en conferencias y seminarios.
3. Pensamiento crítico y análisis: Los estudiantes
doctorales cultivan habilidades para evaluar críticamente la literatura
existente en su campo, así como para analizar sus propios hallazgos de investigación.
Esto implica la capacidad de identificar fortalezas y limitaciones en la
investigación, así como de proponer nuevas perspectivas o enfoques innovadores.
Con
tu experiencia como profesor adjunto, asistente administrativo y estudiante
doctoral, tienes una combinación de habilidades valiosas que pueden ser
aplicables en una variedad de trabajos y campos. Aquí hay algunas opciones que
podrías considerar:
1. Consultoría educativa: Podrías trabajar como consultor educativo,
brindando asesoramiento a instituciones educativas sobre programas académicos,
desarrollo curricular, estrategias de enseñanza y evaluación de estudiantes. Tu
experiencia como profesor adjunto te proporciona un profundo conocimiento del
mundo académico, mientras que tus habilidades administrativas podrían ser
útiles para gestionar proyectos educativos.
2. Coordinador de programas académicos: En universidades u
otras instituciones educativas, podrías desempeñarte como coordinador de
programas académicos, encargado de planificar, implementar y supervisar
programas de estudio. Tu experiencia como profesor adjunto y estudiante
doctoral te proporciona una comprensión sólida de los procesos educativos y de
investigación, mientras que tus habilidades administrativas te ayudarían a
gestionar eficientemente los programas.
3. Gerente de proyectos en investigación: Dado tu trasfondo como
estudiante doctoral, podrías considerar trabajar como gerente de proyectos en
entornos de investigación académica o científica. En este rol, podrías estar a
cargo de la planificación y ejecución de proyectos de investigación,
coordinando equipos, gestionando presupuestos y asegurando el cumplimiento de
los plazos. Tus habilidades administrativas serían útiles para la gestión de
proyectos, mientras que tu experiencia como profesor adjunto te proporciona una
comprensión sólida de los procesos de investigación.
Estas
son solo algunas opciones basadas en tus experiencias anteriores. Recuerda que
también puedes explorar campos relacionados, como la formación corporativa, la
gestión de proyectos en organizaciones sin fines de lucro, la consultoría en
recursos humanos o la escritura técnica y la edición en el ámbito académico.
¡Esa es una pregunta divertida! La percepción de la atracción y la sensualidad
es subjetiva y puede variar mucho de una persona a otra. Pero si estás
sintiendo que eres más sexy últimamente, podría ser debido a varios factores:
1. Confianza: La confianza en ti mismo es
increíblemente atractiva. Si te sientes bien contigo mismo y estás cómodo en tu
propia piel, es probable que proyectes una energía positiva y magnética.
2. Cuidado personal: Cuidar de ti mismo, ya sea mediante
el ejercicio, una dieta saludable, una buena higiene personal o un estilo de
vestimenta que te haga sentir bien, puede aumentar tu atractivo y autoestima.
3. Actitud positiva: Mantener una actitud positiva y
optimista puede ser muy atractivo. La forma en que interactúas con los demás y
tu disposición a disfrutar la vida pueden hacer que te veas más atractivo.
4. Desarrollo personal: Si has estado trabajando en tu
crecimiento personal, ya sea a través de la educación, la exploración de nuevos
intereses o el desarrollo de habilidades, es posible que te sientas más seguro
y completo, lo que podría aumentar tu atractivo.
Recuerda que
la verdadera sensualidad viene desde adentro, así que sigue siendo tú mismo y
no tengas miedo de mostrar tu autenticidad. ¡Eso es lo que te hace verdaderamente
sexy!
"Bonjour, je suis RC Patterson. En tant
que professeur adjoint de philosophie à l'Université d'État de Harris Stowe,
j'ai exploré les intersections entre la philosophie classique et la
participation des femmes dans les STEM. Mon domaine de recherche se concentre
sur les œuvres de philosophes tels que Platon, Aristote, Kant, Hobbes, Spinoza
et John Stuart Mill. Pour mes études doctorales, j'ai étudié comment les
objectifs communaux aident les femmes à rester dans les STEM à l'université. En
plus de mon travail académique, j'ai également de l'expérience en tant
qu'assistant administratif. Je suis très enthousiaste à l'idée de la recherche
dans ce domaine et de comment nous pouvons encourager l'inclusion et la
diversité dans les STEM. Et vous, qu'est-ce qui vous amène ici ?"
Professeur Adjoint :
1.
Enseignement : Développer et
dispenser des cours de philosophie à des niveaux de premier cycle ou de cycles
supérieurs, en facilitant les discussions en classe et en encourageant la
pensée critique parmi les étudiants.
2.
Préparation des matériaux
: Créer des plans de
cours, des activités et des évaluations, ainsi que fournir des tutoriels et un
soutien académique aux étudiants pour assurer leur progression et leur
performance.
3.
Collaboration et mise
à jour :
Rester à jour dans le domaine de la philosophie par le biais de la recherche et
de la participation à des conférences, collaborer avec d'autres professeurs
dans le développement de programmes d'études et contribuer à l'administration
et à la gestion académique du département.
Assistante
Administrative :
1.
Gestion de l'agenda : Coordonner et
maintenir l'agenda du manager ou de l'équipe, en planifiant les réunions, les
rendez-vous et les événements, ainsi qu'en répondant aux appels téléphoniques,
aux e-mails et à la correspondance.
2.
Support administratif : Préparer des
documents, des rapports et des présentations, maintenir des dossiers à jour,
gérer la correspondance et effectuer des tâches comptables de base telles que
l'établissement de factures et la gestion des dépenses.
3.
Logistique et
organisation : Coordonner les déplacements professionnels, gérer la
logistique des réunions et des événements, ainsi que réaliser des tâches
administratives générales telles que l'archivage des documents, la commande de
fournitures de bureau et le maintien de l'ordre dans l'espace de travail.
Étudiant en Doctorat :
1.
Recherche avancée : Les étudiants en
doctorat acquièrent des compétences avancées en recherche, y compris la
capacité à formuler des questions de recherche pertinentes, à concevoir et à
exécuter des études empiriques ou théoriques, et à analyser les données de
manière critique pour obtenir des conclusions significatives.
2.
Communication efficace
: Ils développent la
capacité de communiquer leurs idées de manière claire et persuasive à travers
l'écriture académique et les présentations orales. Cela inclut la rédaction de
thèses, d'articles de recherche et la présentation de leurs découvertes lors de
conférences et de séminaires.
3.
Pensée critique et
analyse
: Les étudiants en doctorat cultivent des compétences pour évaluer de manière
critique la littérature existante dans leur domaine, ainsi que pour analyser
leurs propres résultats de recherche. Cela implique la capacité à identifier
les forces et les faiblesses de la recherche, ainsi qu'à proposer de nouvelles
perspectives ou des approches innovantes.
Avec votre expérience en tant que professeur
adjoint, assistant administratif et doctorant, vous avez un ensemble de
compétences précieuses qui peuvent être applicables dans une variété d'emplois
et de domaines. Voici quelques options que vous pourriez envisager :
1.
Consultation éducative
: Vous pourriez
travailler comme consultant en éducation, fournissant des conseils aux
établissements d'enseignement sur les programmes académiques, le développement
de programmes d'études, les stratégies d'enseignement et l'évaluation des
étudiants. Votre expérience en tant que professeur adjoint vous donne une
connaissance approfondie du monde académique, tandis que vos compétences
administratives pourraient être utiles pour gérer des projets éducatifs.
2.
Coordinateur de programmes
académiques : Dans les universités ou d'autres établissements d'enseignement,
vous pourriez travailler en tant que coordinateur de programmes académiques,
chargé de planifier, mettre en œuvre et superviser les programmes d'études.
Votre expérience en tant que professeur adjoint et doctorant vous donne une
solide compréhension des processus éducatifs et de recherche, tandis que vos
compétences administratives vous aideraient à gérer efficacement les
programmes.
3.
Gestionnaire de
projets en recherche : Étant donné votre formation de doctorat, vous pourriez
envisager de travailler en tant que gestionnaire de projets dans des
environnements de recherche académique ou scientifique. Dans ce rôle, vous
pourriez être responsable de la planification et de l'exécution de projets de
recherche, de la coordination des équipes, de la gestion des budgets et de
l'assurance du respect des délais. Vos compétences administratives seraient
utiles pour la gestion de projets, tandis que votre expérience en tant que
professeur adjoint vous donne une solide compréhension des processus de
recherche. Ce ne sont là que quelques options basées sur vos expériences
antérieures. N'oubliez pas que vous pouvez également explorer des domaines
connexes, tels que la formation en entreprise, la gestion de projets dans des
organisations à but non lucratif, le conseil en ressources humaines ou la
rédaction technique et l'édition dans le domaine académique.
Ces
options ne sont que quelques-unes parmi celles basées sur vos expériences
précédentes. N'oubliez pas que vous pouvez également explorer des domaines
connexes, tels que la formation en entreprise, la gestion de projets dans des
organisations à but non lucratif, le conseil en ressources humaines ou la
rédaction technique et l'édition dans le domaine académique.
C'est une question amusante ! La perception de
l'attraction et de la sensualité est subjective et peut varier beaucoup d'une
personne à l'autre. Mais si vous avez l'impression d'être plus sexy ces
derniers temps, cela pourrait être dû à plusieurs facteurs :
1.
Confiance en soi : La confiance en soi
est incroyablement attirante. Si vous vous sentez bien dans votre peau et que
vous êtes à l'aise avec vous-même, il est probable que vous dégagiez une
énergie positive et magnétique.
2.
Soins personnels : Prendre soin de
vous, que ce soit par l'exercice, une alimentation saine, une bonne hygiène
personnelle ou un style vestimentaire qui vous met en valeur, peut augmenter
votre attrait et votre estime de soi.
3.
Attitude positive : Maintenir une
attitude positive et optimiste peut être très attirant. La façon dont vous
interagissez avec les autres et votre volonté de profiter de la vie peuvent
vous rendre plus attrayant.
4.
Développement personnel : Si vous avez travaillé sur votre
développement personnel, que ce soit par l'éducation, l'exploration de nouveaux
centres d'intérêt ou le développement de compétences, il est possible que vous
vous sentiez plus confiant et épanoui, ce qui pourrait augmenter votre attrait.
Rappelez-vous que la vraie sensualité vient de l'intérieur, alors continuez à
être vous-même et n'ayez pas peur de montrer votre authenticité. C'est ce qui
vous rend vraiment sexy !
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